The role of “Amel Association” as a movement for social change

Lecture Text at the Beirut Arab International Book Fair – May 25, 2025
The Role of “Amel Association” as a Movement for Social Change
In Light of Current Developments
Dr. Kamel Mohanna

To begin with, it is essential to emphasize the importance of social movements in paving the way for change, or in the effort to build the democratic foundations upon which change is based. This is achieved through development projects implemented by social and humanitarian organizations. Among the most prominent of these institutions in Lebanon is “Amel Association International,” a long-standing and esteemed organization that has been active for 45 years. Its founding coincided with the intensification of the Lebanese Civil War and the Israeli invasion of 1978.

Today, the association continues to witness the horrors of Israeli war crimes in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen. Yet it does not stand idly by. On the contrary, it has always been—and continues to be—on the front lines during dire emergencies. In times of peace, its development units operate with high efficiency, implementing projects aimed at uplifting society, improving its economic, social, and cultural levels, and alleviating the psychological burdens weighing heavily on its elderly and children.

At “the Association,” we ask ourselves—at every stage, in every meeting, every encounter, and every event—what our role is in alleviating the crises surrounding the Lebanese citizen, in light of the hardship, poverty, and frustration he endures, and the consequences of all this on his future, the future of his children, and society as a whole. We ask many questions in order to draw closer to the answers and to become more responsible for driving social change in Lebanon.

Do not be deceived by the presence of sectarian parties and movements with broad popular bases in the Lebanese streets and positions of power. The desired change in Lebanon can only come at the hands of civil organizations that respect religion as a personal choice, and work to establish national identity as a unifying option for all citizens of the country. It can only come at the hands of democrats who base their decisions on freedom of thought and fair representation for all sectors of society—representation that serves the interest of the nation, not the sect, the doctrine, the tribe, or the family.

At the Association, we train our personnel on this foundation and aspire to reform the system from this very standpoint.

But the truly important question remains:
Is change inherently part of the mission of humanitarian or social institutions, or is it solely the domain of political institutions? And can Amel Association International, which I represent here, truly contribute to change?

Here, I will refer to the Encyclopedia of Sociology, which defines “social movements” as purposeful and organized efforts with goals that may be limited or broad, revolutionary or reformist. These movements operate outside conventional political channels and can penetrate deeply into the spheres of political power. According to Gordon Marshall, they “involve the mobilization of the public around a project for change.” They are described as social because they are separate from the apparatus of the state, or because their demands originate primarily from the social domain.

Azza Khalil, in her book Social Movements, lists several examples of social movements participating in major political events, such as in South Africa and Mexico, and their engagement in the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, the Chiapas Conference, and the first Davos Conference, which worked on formulating alternative approaches opposing capitalist globalization policies. Additionally, many social movements have taken part in international conferences that presented political responses to globalization.

At the Arab level, Amel Association has never missed an opportunity to engage with other Arab social institutions. It has built extensive networks and collaborated in conferences such as the Cairo Conference, and, like several other Arab associations, has aspired to establish an Arab Social Forum. This forum could serve as a platform to resist globalization and contribute to the advancement of democracy.

For our part at Amel, we oppose prevailing policies and defend the marginalized, the oppressed, and the destitute around the world. We also stand firmly in support of the Palestinian cause, a just struggle for a people whose land has been usurped and who have been displaced by Zionist occupation. These are among the fundamental principles that the association has upheld since its founding—principles that fall under progressive, reformist, and transformative political ideals. These are the positions of the Association, pursued without ever considering itself a political organization, affiliating with a party, or building its personnel along partisan or sectarian lines. In doing so, we have preserved the broader framework for building a transformative social movement with clear objectives.

Since the decline of the Lebanese National Movement and Arab nationalist movements—wounded by a series of defeats both locally and regionally, from the Nakba of Palestine in 1948, to the 1967 defeat, the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, the expulsion of the Palestinian resistance from Lebanon in 1982, and finally the collapse of the Soviet Union which shattered hopes of support for any liberation movement—the communist parties around the world also fell. This left room for the dominance of the new world order and the rise of a unipolar global system.

Adding to this, Lebanon has suffered economic collapse caused by widespread corruption, security deterioration, the Beirut Port explosion, and massive loss of life and property due to the Zionist aggression, whose flames also scorched Syria and Yemen.

Despite all these calamities that have spread fear throughout the nation, humanitarian institutions and social movements—many of which had ties with or emerged from leftist parties—have continued their work. Amel Association International is among them. Since its establishment, it has consistently struggled and fulfilled its social, political, national, and humanitarian duties. Through its wide-ranging activities, the association has gone beyond its Lebanese origins and evolved into a transnational movement.

To clearly and unmistakably illustrate our institution’s national commitment, I can affirm that many of the ideas, philosophies, and goals embraced by a democratic institution like ours—or by any democratic national effort in Lebanon—are present in the democratic reform program for the Lebanese political system, announced by the “National and Progressive Parties and Forces” on August 18, 1975, four months after the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War. Unfortunately, the program was never implemented due to the complexity of the conflicts, the persistence of localized and sectarian wars, and the intervention of foreign powers, especially Israel.

In light of the growing signs of the country’s collapse—driven by the overwhelming sectarian conflict in Lebanon and the failure of all sectarian-based projects to arrive at a consensual governance model—it has become imperative to reconsider those reforms as a basis for restoring and rebuilding the state. We must also introduce new ideas to address the emerging crises and new conditions in Lebanon and the world, which require us to think in terms of the needs of a new era and a new generation.

Although the broad reform principles of the aforementioned program are now nearly half a century old, their core tenets remain relevant today. They can serve as a foundation for younger generations, who should introduce necessary updates. Likewise, we must acknowledge and engage with the new methods of struggle developed by these generations, respect their perspectives, and take them seriously. After all, change ultimately rests on the shoulders of the youth, and our role is to help pave the way, initiate dialogues with and among them—not to impose, but to enrich.

That’s why Amel Association places its full focus on selecting committed young individuals to form a nucleus of activists and leaders for the future of change we are working to build together.

When we speak about social movements, we cannot overlook the widespread criticism directed at non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Nor can we ignore the surge of young people rushing to establish or work for these organizations—not as a form of volunteerism, but as a professional career path after university graduation. We also cannot dismiss the fact that many of these organizations are tied to political agendas dictated by their funding states, which raises concerns that such movements are unlikely to produce genuine societal change, due to the conflicting interests that govern them—interests that may, in fact, contribute to a climate of chaos.

And while leftist parties in Lebanon continue to suffer from defeat and paralysis, and sectarian parties remain dominant and pervasive, the pressing question arises: Who, then, will lead the change in Lebanese society?

To answer this, one might point to the inherent vitality of Lebanese society—a society that has previously witnessed diverse youth-led movements, such as what was once known in the 1970s as the “Youth of Change.” This vitality enables society to continually renew its tools, generation after generation, and to repeatedly express its rejection of the status quo. Each time, it gives rise to movements of resistance against the collapse of Lebanon’s political, economic, and social systems—movements that may take political, social, or even environmental forms.

It is no exaggeration to say that Amel Association International, along with some other humanitarian organizations, plays the role of a first line of defense for society. It strives to function as a transformative social movement—because the essential criterion for any group to be considered a social movement is that it seeks change.

Amel has a pioneering record in grassroots activism within Lebanese society, as well as in building strong relationships with local, Arab, and international social forces. It is a key initiator in coordination, follow-up, and in pursuing the goal of change. In every crisis—and especially under the harsh conditions faced by people today, amidst the fires of war that cloud their present and threaten their future—Amel turns its centers and the places where refugees and displaced persons reside into active hubs. These serve not only to alleviate daily suffering, but also to examine root causes and seek real solutions.

Let me return to say this: after the breakdown of the party system, Amel continued its path—quietly, without media fanfare or folkloric displays—adopting an approach of openness toward anyone willing to contribute to rebuilding the nation. The association does this with complete flexibility in adapting to the new era and the rapidly evolving global landscape. For this reason, the institution continuously revitalizes itself by embracing the principle of working with young people—especially young women—to ensure they claim their rightful role in rebuilding Lebanese society.

And it is no exaggeration to say that 85% of Amel’s workforce is made up of young women, who perform essential tasks across the organization’s various fields—with success, distinction, vitality, and intelligence. Their role in confronting Israeli aggression was equal to that of the young men; after 14 of Amel’s centers were damaged by the aggression, our staff—both male and female—redeployed themselves in alternative locations. Those from displaced villages sought out refugee gatherings in schools and urban neighborhoods.

Ideally, our youth would be competing to serve their homeland through political and civic parties focused on shaping citizens, resisting all attempts to weaken, divide, or fragment Lebanon, and leading change toward a Lebanon that is a true homeland for all its people. A strong and resistant Lebanon that knows how to protect its borders, uphold the dignity of its citizens, and embrace its youth, harnessing their talents to build a renewed nation—rather than watching them emigrate and contribute their excellence to building other countries, or getting caught in sectarian strife.

Amel does not claim to be a substitute for national political parties. Nor does it treat its relationships with the remaining parties with sensitivity or hostility. It also doesn’t deny their existence. Yet in its activities, vision, and aspirations for both present and future, Amel remains independent of political parties in the direct sense of the term. And we say “in the direct sense” because our work inevitably falls under the broad meaning of politics—since politics encompasses all causes, or, as Hegel put it, is “applied biology,” requiring intelligence, cunning, reflection, and dynamic energy.

Being, above all, a humanitarian organization, Amel considers itself—based on the nature of its projects and global activities—a transformative social movement, with change as its ultimate goal. And change is, at its core, a political objective. The difference between political work and social work is merely functional: the former relies on direct political struggle, while the latter employs symbolic political engagement.

Whereas political parties in Lebanon operate on the basis of a leadership-base model, we at Amel emphasize the leadership role of every member of our team, and their tireless dedication to service. With 1,800 people currently working at Amel, we consider each and every one of them a leader—empowered to make decisions and carry them out. Our hope is that the society we work in will eventually become its own leader. Only when society reaches this level of awareness can it truly take responsibility for change.

In our region, change tends to come from above—a decision made by a person, and the rest simply follow. This pattern applies to governments, parties, families, and organizations. But our understanding of change is rooted in the efforts of activists who give their time and energy to others, who approach the world with an open mind. Amel even incorporates foreign staff members who help build bridges with international social movements. Their deep experience enriches our work and opens the doors to international institutions on the basis of mutual trust.

The struggle we speak of is not conducted in a vacuum. It is grounded in a series of activities and projects—some of which serve individuals, forming a structural bond between them and the institution, while others serve the community, enabling Amel to uplift society as a whole. In all cases, the path to reaching the community begins with engaging the individual.

A number of social movements have chosen to operate within charitable, humanitarian, and service-oriented frameworks to address social, economic, and health-related crises. However, we believe—along with other social movements—that these crises are historically rooted in systems of dependency, and more recently in neoliberal policies. Therefore, we cannot accept the limitations of a merely functional role. We constantly seek a more active and transformative presence, one that persists through both crisis and recovery, through war and peace.

In this sense, we are always in pursuit of development projects that energize the institution in its mission, by connecting them to the future of society. Some of these projects require a form of struggle parallel to political activism—such as the fight for women’s liberation, environmental protection, human rights advocacy, or safeguarding human dignity. This type of organizational work requires mobilizing community members and convincing them that achieving such goals necessitates a structural transformation of the system.

Every time we clash with the state on a contentious issue, we become more convinced of the need for reform, making this form of activism nearly indistinguishable from political engagement. In fact, environmental organizations have often reached political power through their activism—take Germany’s Green Party, for example. It emerged from anti-nuclear, environmental, peace, and new left social movements, and eventually entered parliament and became part of the government. Similarly, many women worldwide have reached positions of power through their historic struggle for gender equality—women now make up about 25% of parliamentarians globally.

Social movements genuinely contribute to change in society. While we sometimes must surrender to the harsh realities faced by our people during times of war—as seen in the recent security events and ongoing Israeli aggression—part of our work inevitably turns to relief efforts. Yet, we accompany these efforts with a spirit of sacrifice. For instance, during crises, 60% of our staff were displaced from war zones, and they transformed into dedicated responders who followed the displaced to serve them and work alongside them in solidarity—combining relief with development.

Through this, they affirm their partnership with the people and reinforce values of solidarity and shared identity among all segments of society, especially protecting vulnerable groups—children, women, the elderly, and migrant workers. Not out of charity or pity, but through working with people, not on their behalf, to ensure that, in times of peace, communities genuinely partner in the projects we deliver. In fact, in our centers, we actively experiment with having community members directly supervise and manage activities—strengthening their capabilities and fostering a culture of rights, including the right to a clean environment, health, women’s participation, and freedom of expression.

Helping people understand their own interests is the first step toward the kind of protests and mobilization that social movements can lead—efforts that can bring about reforms and, ultimately, change. While Amel often acts alone in these endeavors, it also seeks to develop new community support networks that are effective in both normal times and emergencies.

Amel Association has transcended its identity as merely a relief and humanitarian organization. Founded during the civil war and active during the crises sparked by the 1982 Israeli invasion, it has remained committed to both action and protest against war, advocating for just peace. But beyond that relief stage, it has shifted toward sustainable development work—an approach that opens the door to change and helps propel it forward.

Its presence across diverse Lebanese regions—religiously and politically—has earned it greater public trust. People recognized Amel’s anti-war culture and civil orientation in a country torn by sectarian strife. They embraced it as one of their own.

In light of the successive criminal wars waged by Israel against the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, as well as its destructive war against Lebanon, Amel Association has played a pioneering role within the sphere of social movements. As in similar events in the past, we took the initiative to mobilize associations, social actors, and even official bodies, urging them to adopt humanitarian, social, and political stances. Thus, the Association’s influence goes beyond technical or professional work—it actively impacts society and continually seeks to transform it for the better.

This influence extends beyond simple social protest; it encompasses protest against state authorities that fail to protect citizens or hinder societal progress. Our protests often target existing laws that affect the projects Amel adopts and implements in partnership with major humanitarian organizations and official foreign institutions working in fields such as the environment, healthcare, women’s rights, human dignity, and others among the 16 major projects we lead. These protests often blend social and economic aspects with political dimensions, where social movements intersect with national parties and political currents.

In recent events, especially during the escalation of Israeli aggression, Amel distributed its activities based on a clear political vision. When our cadres commit to civil action, and we spread our centers and initiatives across Lebanon’s various religious, sectarian, and political communities, and conduct our mission with no allegiance to gender, ethnicity, religion, or even nationalism, we are fulfilling a national and humanitarian role. This fosters genuine citizenship at the local level, paving the way for building a homeland for all, and promotes a universal human identity at the international level—where the human being, regardless of who they are or where they live, becomes the primary focus of any effort to change reality, establish justice, end wars, and alleviate the sweeping poverty intensified by today’s ruthless capitalism—a system that makes the rich richer and the poor poorer.

True, Amel is not a political movement, but it practices politics in every stance it takes and in its response to any global event. It has a worldview, expressed in every meeting, conference, or forum it attends—much like many associations around the world engaged in collective action demanding justice and ethical governance. Amel is connected to many such humanitarian and social institutions worldwide. It embraces a radical culture that opposes governments that disregard the interests of their people, and it resists the effects of globalization and the unipolar global order—a system that controls the world’s economy and drives its crises.

And how could Amel not take a stance on the wars in our region when it works daily to heal their wounds? Its position on the Palestinian cause, for example, is clear—we state it in every international gathering we attend: we stand with everyone who opposes Israel—or whom Israel opposes.

We may not always focus on the fine details of every event; instead, we take clear, principled stances—such as calling for justice in the world—without issuing a daily statement specifying time and place. We stand against all who deepen poverty and widen the gap between the rich and the poor, even if we don’t operate a media outlet that tracks every injustice. We are in favor of freedom, democracy, and human dignity, even if we don’t monitor every act of oppression or inhumanity in every city or state around the globe.

Still, we function as a social driving force, opposing the fragmentation of society, the igniting of wars, the use of violence in all its forms, the dominance of market forces over human needs, and sectarianism, which particularly tears at the fabric of Lebanese society. Here, we ask with Alain Touraine: “Isn’t social deterioration what leads to the escalation of violence?” We also evoke his concept of the “active self,” the individual’s will to be an agent of their own existence.

What Amel is doing—amid societal sabotage and intense political polarization in Lebanon—is, in essence, political work. It is a politics rooted in empowering the individual, securing rights, advocating for human respect, and working toward justice, equality before the law, and personal freedoms. This is why everyone who joins our ranks becomes an active agent, an initiator, and a leader.

Though the Lebanese state, especially during economic, security, and social crises, may be at its weakest, Amel—even as it challenges the state through transformative political struggle—does not separate itself from it. We are reminded of a quote by American civil society scholar Don Eberly:

“In free societies, the state should branch from society and serve it—not rule it. Both secularists and religious believers err when they attempt to dominate society through the state. The more realistic task is to reduce the power of the state that intrudes upon society and instead revive civil society institutions.”

In this sense, the real mission of a social movement is to lay the foundational groundwork for building a state, such that an advanced state is the outcome of an advanced society. Amel is one of the social movements working from the bottom up to prepare society, in line with Eberly’s The Rise of Global Civil Society: Building Communities from the Ground Up. Real development happens within society—not at the level of individuals—and the individual should be responsible to society, not to a political leader. This is especially relevant today, in an age dominated by commodification, rampant materialism, robotics, and artificial intelligence.

We are an association that works from human to human, wherever they may be. As we’ve said before, the human being—not the group, region, or sect—is our aim. This reflects the timeless humanist ethos captured by Montesquieu, the Enlightenment thinker behind the principle of separation of powers:

“I am Catholic by birth, French by chance, but human by necessity.”

And in the words of Tolstoy, the wealthy man who gave his fortune to the poor:

“Don’t speak to me much about religion; let me see it in your actions.”
“If you feel pain, you’re alive. But if you feel the pain of others, then you’re human.”